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Мандала государства: взгляд из Лхасы

while the Bönpo similarly advanced different conceptions of the power of place with their sacred origin mythology around the land of Ol-mo-lung-ring46. Sectarian difference potentially contributed to political difference, and peripheral realms might thus break away from Tibet, as Sikkim, Bhutan, Mustang, and Ladakh did, albeit while remaining within a Buddhist and indeed Tibetan cultural world and, with the exception of Bhutan, under Tibetan suzerainty. Relations with non-Buddhist states were, in the Gelugpa understanding, ultimately awaiting a time when Buddhism would triumph there, and, as Huber has shown in the case of the Mon-yul corridor, were regions open to exploitation by the Tibetan state and its agents.

Thus we may conclude that while the Tibetan mandala state model is a valid analytical model that produces insights into Tibet’s understanding of its relations with its neighbours, it is a model that reflects a hegemonic Gelugpa worldview. It must be balanced with understanding of the contesting claims of sects such as the Nyingma and Kargyu, whose power centres were peripheral to the Lhasa-centric mandala.

References

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2.Aris M. Notes on the History of the Mon-Yul Corridor // Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan Studies / eds. Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi. New Delhi, 1980.

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3.Aris M. India and the British according to a Tibetan text of the later eighteenth century // Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. Vol. 1 / ed. Per Kvaerne. Oslo, 1994.

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7.Buffetrille K. Reflections on Pilgrimages to Sacred Mountains, Lakes and Caves // Pilgrimage in Tibet / ed. Alex McKay. Richmond: Curzon Press, 1998.

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9.Davidson R. Indian Esoteric Buddhism: A Social History of the Tantric Movement. N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 2002.

10.History of Sikkim. Compiled by Maharaja Sir Thutob Namgyal and Maharani Yeshay Dolma / trans. Kazi Dawasamdup. Unpublished manuscript printed in Gangtok, n.d, 1908.

11.Hodgson J.A. Journal of a survey to heads of the rivers, Ganges and Jumna // Asiatik Researches 14. 1822.

12.Huber T. The Cult of Pure Crystal Mountain: Popular Pilgrimage and Visionary Landscape in Southeast Tibet. N.Y. – Oxford: OUP, 1999.

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13.Huber T. The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India. Chicago: University Press, 2008.

14.Huber T. Pushing south: Tibetan economic and political activities in the Far Eastern Himalaya, ca. 1900–1950 // Buddhist Himalaya: Studies in Religion, History and Culture. Vol. 1. Tibet and the Himalaya / eds. Alex McKay and Anna Balikci-Denjongpa. Gangtok, 2011.

15.Ishihama Yu. The Resurgence of «Buddhist Government»: Tibeto-Mongolian Relations in the Modern World / eds. Ishihama, Tachibana, Kobayashi, Inoue. Osaka: Union Press, 2019.

16.Kautilya. The Arthashastra / L. N. Rangarajan, trans. New Delhi: Penguin Books, 1992.

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19.Magnusson J. The Baltistan Movement: Tibetan history and identity in the northern areas of Pakistan // Tibetan Borderlands / ed. P. Christiaan Klieger. Leiden, 2006.

20.Martin D. Tibet at the Centre: a historical study of some Tibetan geographical conceptions based on two types of country lists found in two Bon histories // Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies / ed. Per Kvaerne). Oslo, 1994.

21.Martin D. Ol-mo-lung-ring, the original holy place // Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays / ed. Toni Huber. Dharamsala, 1999.

22.McKay A. Kailas Histories. Renunciate Traditions and the Construction of Himalayan Sacred Geography. Leiden: Brill, 2015.

23.Mullard S. Opening the Hidden Land: State Formation and the Construction of Sikkimese History. Leiden: Brill, 2011.

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24.Ramble Ch. The Navel of the Demoness: Tibetan Buddhism and Civil Religion in Highland Nepal. Oxford – London: OUP, 2008.

25.Ruegg D. S. Mchod yon, yon mchod and mchod gnas/yon gnas: on the historiography and semantics of a Tibetan religio-social and religio-political concept // Tibetan History and Language: Studies dedicated to Uray Geza on his seventieth birthday / ed. E. Steinkellner. Vienna, 1991.

26.Samuel G. Civilised Shamans: Buddhism in Tibetan Societies. Washington: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1993.

27.Samuel G. The Origins of Yoga and Tantra: Indic Religions to the Thirteenth Century. Cambridge: CUP, 2008.

28.Schwieger P. The long arm of the Fifth Dalai Lama // Buddhist Himalaya: Studies in Religion, History and Culture. Volume I: Tibet and the Himalaya / eds. Alex McKay and Anna Balikci-Denjongpa. Gangtok, 2011.

29.Smith G. Among Tibetan Texts: History and Literature of the Himalayan Plateau. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2001.

30.Szerb J. A note on the Tibetan-Uigur Treaty of 822/823 A.D. // Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture. Vol. I / eds. Ernst Steinkellner and Helmut Tauscher. Delhi, 1995.

31.Takeuchi Ts. Military administration and military duties in Tibetan-ruled Central Asia (8th-9th Century // Tibet and Her Neighbours: A History / ed. Alex McKay. London, 2003.

32.Tambiah S. J. The galactic polity in Southeast Asia // Journal of Ethnographic Theory 3.3. 2013.

33.Uebach H. On the Tibetan expansion from seventh to mid eighth century and the administration (khö) of the countries subdued // Tibet and Her Neighbours: A History / ed. Alex McKay. London.

34.Uray G. The old Tibetan sources of the history of Central Asia up to 751 AD: a survey // Prolegomena to the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia / ed. J. Harmatta. Budapest, 1979.

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35.Uray G. Khrom: administrative units of the Tibetan Empire in the 7th-9th centuries // Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson: Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan Studies / eds. Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi. New Delhi, 1980.

36.White D. G. Tantra in Practice / ed. D. G. White. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2001.

37.White D. G. Kiss of the Yogini: “Tantric Sex” in its South Asian Contexts. Chicago: University Press, 2003.

Notes

1On which see, for example, Ruegg, 1991. P. 441–453.

2See for example, Huber, 2011; Mullard, 2011; Samuel, 1994.

3Within this model there were a vast array of possible inter-state relationships. The isolated village of Nilang on the Jadh Ganga (Ganges), for example, acknowledged and paid tax to three overlords, Tibet, Bushahr and Garwhal; Hodgson, 1822. P. 91.

41908 History of Sikkim: p.88, records the Chogyal as informing the British that, «it cannot be denied that since the time of the 5th Dalai Lama there have been nine generations of Maharaja … who have all owned the suzerainty of His Imperial Majesty of China, and the Sikkim land has been considered as being included within Chinese territory».

5White, 2003. N 3. P. 124.

6White, 2001. P. 9.

7I cite Kautilya, 1992. P. 184 (Kautilya 2.3.3); also note, the King’s chambers should be situated in the centre of the palace; P. 150–51 (Kautilya 1.20.1–3).

8Samuel, 2008. P. 225.

9A development Ronald Davidson has convincingly situated within the parallel development of feudal society; see Davidson 2002.

10Huber, 1999. P. 26.

11Tambiah, 2013. P. 503–34.

12Samuel, 2008. P. 227.

13Tambiah, 2013. P. 523–24

14This aspect of Tambiah’s thesis might be criticised as too widely applicable in other societies to be a useful definition, being a common organisational structure used by centralised governments. It is also a model that is entirely exclusive of any relationship with the environmental niches and zones that governed much of the Himalayan settlement patterns and ethnic distributions.

15On which see Beckwith, 1980. P. 30–38.

16Uray, 1980. P. 310–18; Takeuchi, 2003. P. 43–56; Uebach, 2003. P. 21–28.

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17Magnusson, 2006. P. 192–93. The political organisation of south and central Asian Islamic powers had many similarities with the layered hierarchical nature of the mandala state system; but I am not aware of a proper comparative study.

18Samuel, 1993. P. 148.

19Buffetrille, 1998. P. 18–34.

20Ardussi, 2011. P. 30.

21Aris, 1994. P. 10.

22Beckwith, 1980. P. 30–31.

23On which see Uray, 1979. P. 275–304.

24Martin, 1994. P. 517–532.

25Smith, 2001. P. 209–224.

26Aris, 1995. P. 65.

27Martin, 1994. P. 517–519.

28One result of this of course, was the location of sacred sites that were, not to put too fine a point on it, in the wrong place. See for example Huber, 2008. P. 130–50, re Hājo.

29Szerb, 1995. P. 375–387. In the wider context we might note the theory, popular in

19th Century Anglo-Russian frontier theorizing, that empires expand until they meet another empire of equal strength. This seems an early example of that principle in that the boundary between Islamic and Buddhist states subsequently remained generally peaceful.

30Ngadak Bumdey Gön (1253–1280), the ruler of Mangyul Gungthang, «constructed a series of dzongs, several of which were specifically stated as having the purpose to suppress the Mon population south of his state that bordered northern Nepal»; Ardussi, 2011. P. 30.

31On the concept of the beyul, see Childs, 1999, quotation from P. 127.

32On which see Bray, 2018.

33On which see Ramble, 2008.

34As we know from the case of the Jonangpa in eastern Tibet, as well as their successive attempts to conquer Bhutan, the Gelugpa state did not hesitate to deploy violence to overcome any opposition. Indeed as Peter Schwieger has stated in regard to the 17th Century; «… spreading the dGe lugs pa school and establishing the authority of the dGa’ ldan pho brang government … is first and foremost a story of war and conquest as well as the systematic suppression of other Buddhist schools, especially the bKa’ brgyud ones» (Schwieger, 2011. P. 258).

35On this process see McKay, 2015. P. 290–329.

36Ardussi, 2011. P. 29.

37While we know that during the colonial period there was a British presence at Putao (Fort Hertz) in northern Burma, I have not located any studies of political interaction, although cross border trade routes existed. There now exists a permanent community of Khampa Tibetan traders in northern Burma, whom Aris (1980. P. 9) identified as refugees from the high tax regime of Zayul (rDza-yul); also see Klieger, 2006. P. 231–54.

38Huber, 2011. P. 259.

39The phrase is taken from the imperial poet Rudyard Kipling’s Recessional, composed in 1897 for Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee.

40Huber, 2011. P. 260, 269.

41Aris, 1980. P. 15, and see n5 P. 18.

42Huber, 2011. P. 260, 269.

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43Kollmar-Paulenz, 2008. Vol. II. P. 707–24, quotation from P. 721.

44Oriental and India Office Library and Records (British Library), L/P&S/10/92–2826, «Memorandum on an interview between the Dalai Lama and the Maharaj Kumar of Sikkim held at the Yellow Temple Peking on November 25, 1908», by (the British Indian Political Officer) W. F. O’Connor.

45On which see Ishihama et al., 2019.

46On which see, for example, Martin, 1999.

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DOI: 10.31696/2587-9502-2021-31-156-168

Буддизм на индо-тибетской границе: Отношения Тибета с Мон-Тавангом

до 1914 г.

Цеванг Дорджи

Tibet Policy Institute.

Dharamsala, India.

Аннотация. Буддизмявляетсяоднимизважнейшихфакторовформирования отношенийТибета с его периферией и соседними странами. ОтношенияТибетасиндо-тибетскимипограничнымирегионами– это отношения «учитель–ученик». Эта статья в основном посвящена отношениямТибета с Мон-Тавангом. Монъюл исторически был частью Тибета. ИсторическиеотношениямеждуМониТибетомначалисьв127 г. до н.э. во времена Нгитри Ценпо, первого царяТибета. Яисследовал тибетско-тавангские отношения с момента создания правительства Ганден Пходранг вТибете. В серединеХVIII в. правительствоТибета ввелоновыеадминистративныереформы, когдаМонъюлбылразделен на 32 деревенские единицы (ЦоДе кха), а также назначены сельские головы (Цо Ген). Таванг стал центром принятия административных решений через советы различных уровней. Мон-Таванг был одной из важнейших пограничных административных единиц тибетского правительства ГанденПходранг до подписанияСимлской конвенции в 1914 г. ПоСимлской конвенции независимое и суверенное государствоТибет юридически уступило районТаванг Британской Индии. Эта статья исследует отношенияТибета с Мон-Тавангом в контексте буддизмавиндо-тибетскойпограничнойобласти, котораядедуктивно дополняется историческими свидетельствами.

Ключевыеслова. Буддизм, Тибет, Мон-Таванг, НгитриЦенпо, административные реформы, Ганден Пходранг, Симлская конвенция 1914 г., БританскаяИндия.

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Буддизм на индо-тибетской границе: Отношения Тибета с Мон-Тавангом до 1914 г.

Buddhism in the Indo-Tibetan borderland:

Tibet’s relations with Mon-Tawang before 1914

Tsewang Dorji

Abstract. Buddhism is one of the most important factors of the making Tibet’s relations with its peripherals and neighbouring countries. Tibet’s relations with the Indo-Tibetan border regions are characterized in the form of «Master-Disciple Relationship». This paper is mainly focused on Tibet’s relations with Mon-Tawang. Monyul was historically a part of Tibet. The historical relationship between Mon and Tibet began in 127 B.C. during the time of Ngytri Tsenpo, the first king of Tibet. But this study explores TibetTawang relations since the establishment of Ganden Phodrang government of Tibet. In the mid-18th Century, the government of Tibet introduced new administrative reforms when Monyul was divided into 32 village units (Tso De kha) and also appointed village heads (Tso Gen). Tawang became a centre of administrative decision-making body through different layers of councils. Mon-Tawang was one of the most important frontier administrative units of the Ganden Phodrang government of Tibet before signing the Simla Convention in 1914. At the Simla Convention, the independent and sovereign state of Tibet legally ceded the Tawang region to British India. This paper explores Tibet’s relations with Mon-Tawang in the context of Buddhism in the Indo-Tibetan borderland which is deductively appended by historical accounts.

Key Words: buddhism, Tibet, Mon-Tawang, Ngytri Tsenpo, administrative reforms, Ganden Phodrang, Simla Convention 1914, British India.

Буддизм является одним из важнейших факторов, определяющих отношения Тибета с его периферией и соседними странами. Тибет и Гималаи также связаны и координируются буддизмом. Отношения Тибета с индо-тибетскими приграничными районами характеризуются «отношениями наставник-ученик». Гималайские регионы, такие как Ладакх, Спити, Сикким и Монъюл, исторически были частью мира тибетской буддийской культуры. Буддизм распространился по гималайским регионам из Тибета после второго распро-

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странения буддизма в Тибете. Эта работа в основном посвящена отношениям Тибета с Мон-Тавангом.

Таванг– это один из наиболее важных районов индийского штата Аруначал-Прадеш. Он также имеет геостратегическое значение для Индии. Китай утверждает, что Таванг является южной частью Тибета после вторжения Китая в Тибет в 1950 г. Тибетское правительство официально уступило регион Таванг британской Индии в 1914 г. В этой работе исследуются отношения Тибета с Мон-Тавангом (Монъюлом) до 1914 г. с опорой на исторические документы.

В соответствии с определением страна должна обладать четырьмя основными элементами, чтобы называться национальным государством. Эти четыре элемента– суверенитет, население, правительство и территория. В контексте теории национального государства Тибет был суверенным государством до китайского вторжения 1950 г. В то же время Таванг исторически был частью Тибета, поскольку Тибет обладал политической и административной властью над регионом Таванг, а монпа принимали легитимность тибетского правления.

Таванг был одной из важнейших приграничных административных единиц Тибета до подписания Симлской конвенции 1914 г. Дажепослеподписанияконвенцииправительство Тибета продолжало де-факто сохранять власть над Тавангом до середины ХХ в.

Эта работа разделена на пять частей: 1) физическая география Монъюла; 2) политическое управление Монъюла; 3) налогообложение и правопорядок; 4) язык и культура; 5) Симлская конвенция и политическая трансформация Монъюла.

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