Учебное пособие 1715

­short syntactic structures prevail (ellipses, for instance), reflecting the tendency to use fewer words (Reporter: For or against? J. Lennon: For. – Репортер: За или против?

Д. Леннон: За);

­proper nouns are abundant:

toponyms (Bronx – Бронкс, Rome – Рим;

anthroponyms (L.B.J. (Lyndon Baines Johnson) – Линдон Бэйнс Джонсон, Richard Milhous Nixon – Ричард Милхауз Никсон;

names of various institutions and organizations (the Black Panthers – общество «Чер-

ных пантер», FBI – ФБР);

­ extensive use of precision information:

numbers (J. Rubin: This is like a dream, seeing 1 5 t h o u s a n d p e o p l e in one place demanding freedom for John Sinclair. – Д. Рубин: Это как сон: видеть 1 5 т ы с я ч ч е л о в е к , собравшихся вместе, чтобы требовать освобождение Джона Синклера);

dates (July of 1 9 6 9 – июль 1 9 6 9 - г о г о д а );

­ present tenses prevail (majorly, Present Simple or Present Perfect), as the protagonist either dwells on the current events or shares prior experience (E. Snowden: The prima-

с о в р е м е н н ы е С М И у д е л я ю т с л и ш к о м б о л ь ш о е в н и м а н и е личности);

­ the use of various intensifiers, such as never, always, great и т. д. (G. Greenwald: I would n e v e r leave a single device in the room again alone. – Г. Гринвальд: Больше н и к о г д а ни одного устройства не оставлю в номере без присмотра).

Studying specific features of documentaries allows to conclude that documentary texts are largely neutral in comparison with fiction films phrases from which are usually quoted.

Documentaries tend to scan rather than form the society’s mindset. Thus, on the one hand, documentary language reflects general tendencies in language, such as the use of fewer language means, more simple sentences, etc.; on the other hand – documentaries cannot influence oral speech and language norms.

Conclusion.

The research findings result in the conclusion as follows.

The language being a system of signs, translation implies recoding when every sign is substituted with the one from a different language system. Recoding results in a text that equal to the original concerning its communicative potential. Thus, functioning as a communication tool, translated text is at the same time a means of inter-language and cross-cultural communication. The latter aids in creating a secondary text after analyzing the original. The secondary one relies fully on the original and actually substitutes it in the different language environment.

Any text contains the message that is relevant to preserve and transfer while translating. The semantic load of the text as a whole is never equal to separate parts that make it up. A translator opt for language units, while the object of the transfer while translating is actually the general meaning, not the words.

All in all, the major reason for translation transformations is pursuing natural speech and coinciding the produced utterance with the speech patterns typical of native speakers. The result is achieved if there are necessary structural and semantic transformations. The latter explains a wide use of grammatical transformations while translating film scripts.

Another aspect is translation metonymy which underlying any transformation provided grounds for substituting a word with the one with a different meaning while translating.

The study of political documentaries revealed that though English and Russian language means coincide their relevance for language representation of the world view varies which

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claims for substituting the original with its correlate minding structural and functional features. Film scripts translation still finds it topical to address the issue of finding correlates while working on English-to-Russian translation. Moreover, a translator is to see the film script as a complex system of knowledge that involved the text itself together with the extralinguistic factors. The latter influence the recipient and help to get the message as well as highlight the aspects of shooting and presenting the film. Film script translators face both linguistic and technical challenges which largely impacts the adequacy and equivalence of translation, its screen realization (the phrases pronounced are to coincide with the articulation).

Regarding the specific features of documentaries film scripts prompts a conclusion of documentaries being linguistically and stylistically neutral in comparison to fiction films. They tend to scan rather than form the mindset of a certain community. The research proves that documentaries feature short / incomplete phrases, ellipses, repetition of certain lexical units while elaborating on the idea. Grammar and syntax of documentaries reveal frequent use of first person pronouns both in the singular and in the plural, simple unexpanded sentences, ques- tion-and-answer unities; short syntactic structures reflecting the tendency to use fewer words; abundant proper nouns; the use of intensifiers to introduce evaluation; prevailing present tenses (Present Simple or Present Perfect), as the protagonist either dwells on the current events or shares prior experience. Thus, on the one hand, documentaries reflect general tendencies in language, such as the use of fewer language means, more simple sentences, etc.; on the other hand – documentaries cannot influence oral speech and language norms.

The bottom line is documentaries are socially relevant and prove one of the dominant tools of mass media. Such texts are subject to linguistic studies as well as figuring out documentaries features promotes adequacy in translation and both correctness and efficiency while transferring the initial message of the fill to its audience.

References

[1]Vikulova L.G., Serebrennikova E.F. Struktury modelirovanija cennostnyh orientirov diskursa social'noj real'nosti v massmedijnom kommunikativnom prostranstve // Vestnik

Moskovskogo gorodskogo pedagogicheskogo universiteta. Serija: «Filologija. Teorija jazyka. Jazykovoe obrazovanie». № 2 (14), 2014. – s. 55–63.

[2]Zareckaja A. N. Osobennosti realizacii podteksta v kinodiskurse [tekst]: avtoreferat dissertacii na soiskanie uchenoj stepeni kandidata filologicheskih nauk: 10.02.19: zashhishhena

15.01.10/ Anna Nikolaevna Zareckaja. – Cheljabinsk, 2010. – 22 s.

[3]Samkova M.A. Kinotekst i kinodiskurs: k probleme razgranichenija ponjatij / M.A.

Samkova // Filologicheskie nauki. Voprosy teorii i praktiki. № 1, 2011. – s. 135–137.

[4]Lavrinenko I.N. Kriterii klassifikacii kinodiskursa // Vestnik Har'kovskogo nacional'nogo universiteta. Diskursologija: semantika i pragmatika. № 1003, 2012. – s. 41–44.

[5]Oljanich A.N. Kinodiskurs // Diskurs-Pi. Vol. 12, № 2, 2015. – s. 162–165.

[6]Gorshkova O.S. Leksiko-sintaksicheskie preobrazovanija pri perevode kinoteksta (na materiale kinofitl'mov S. Doldri i T. Hupera) // Studencheskaja nauka: sbornik nauchnyh trudov. Teoreticheskie i prakticheskie rezul'taty issledovanij bakalavrov, magistrov i aspirantov. Moskva, 2018. – s. 389–397.

[7]Zheltukhina M.R., Biryukova E.V., Gerasimova S.A., Repina E.A., Klyoster A.M., Komleva L.A. Modern media advertising: effecvtive directions of influence in business and political communication // Man in India. T. 97. № 14, 2017. – r. 207–215.

[8]Zheltukhina M.R., Busygina M.V., Merkulova M.G., Zyubina I.A., Buzinova L.M. Linguopragmatic aspect of modern communication: main political media speech strategies and tactics in the USA and the UK // XLinguae. T. 11. № 2, 2018. – r. 639– 654.

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[9]Sulejmanova O.A., Beklemesheva N.N., Kardanova K.S. Grammaticheskie aspekty perevoda: uchebnoe posobie dlja studentov filololgicheskih i lingvisticheskih fakul'tetov vuzov:

Moskva, Izdatel'skij centr «Akademija», 2010. – 240 s.

[10]Sulejmanova O.A., Borbot'ko L.A., Fedorova E.L. Perevodcheskij trening: sintaksicheskie transformacii v russko-anglijskom perevode: uchebnoe posobie dlja studentov vysshih uchebnyh zavedenij. Chast' 1: Moskva, Jazyki narodov mira, 2017. – 186 s.

[11]Sulejmanova O.A. Prognozirovanie perevodcheskogo «Konflikta»: istoki i puti preodolenija // Vestnik PNIPU. Problemy jazykoznanija i pedagogiki, 2013. – s. 118–132.

[12]Komissarov V.N. Sovremennoe perevodovedenie: Moskva, R. Valent, 2011. – s.

156–168.

[13]Barhudarov L.S. Jazyk i perevod: Moskva, Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, 1975. –

240 s.

[14]Borbot'ko L.A., Gorshkova O.S. Leksiko-grammaticheskie transformacii pri perevode hudozhestvennogo i dokumental'nogo kinoteksta: obzor // Rusistika i komparativistika: S

sbornik nauchnyh trudov po filologii. Serija «Nauchnoe izdanie». 2017. – s. 213– 222.

[15]Davydova M.M. Prosodija, semantika i pragmatika teksta v registre dokumental'nogo kino: na materiale anglojazychnyh fil'mov stranovedcheskoj tematiki [tekst]: dissertacija na soiskanie uchenoj stepeni kandidata filologicheskih nauk: 10.02.04: zashhishhena 14.06.2005 / Marina Mihajlovna Davydova. – Samara, 2005. – 208 s.

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UDC 81.27

FOREIGN ELEMENTS AND EXOTIC LEXIS IN THE TOURIST WEBSITE TEXTS:

FORMS AND FUNCTIONS

E.I. Abramova

____________________________________________________________________________

Moscow Region State University

PhD in Philology, Associate Professor

Associate Professor of the English Language Theory and Practice Chair Elena Ivanovna Abramova

e-mail: abramel@mail.ru

____________________________________________________________________________

Statement of the problem. The language of tourism is a specific sign system which uses both verbal and nonverbal means of communication with the recipient and different channels, mostly, internet services. The topicality of the research relies on the interest in multicode texts in tourism which employ elements from different languages in order to attract the attention of the potential tourist. The article considers Gaelic foreign elements and exotic lexical units in English language texts from Scotland tourist websites, the forms, functions and ways of semantization of foreign elements and exotic lexemes for the English-speaking reader and tourist.

Results. The material for the research is Gaelic foreign elements and exotic lexemes which function as language units and tools for promoting and localization of tourism. They are used in the form of anglicized or authentic Celtic linguistic realia. Anglicized lexical units are of different level of assimilation. Authentic Gaelic words are correlated with English equivalents and semanticised in different ways: through translation, explanation, definition and context or a combination of the methods. The use of Gaelic lexemes in English texts makes it possible to localize the tourist product, foremost places of accommodation and “see and do” sights. Localization or Gaelicness is mostly typical for toponyms, anthroponyms, ergonyms, topographic vocabulary, names of cultural events and basic everyday phrases

Conclusion. The tourist website is a zone of marketing communication and a tool for promoting the local culture and language. The tourist website texts contain foreign elements and exotic lexemes, contributing to the locality of the text and territory, providing local coloring for the discourse and authenticity of the tourist place. The research proves a major role of the minority language in promoting the place through a tourist website, exactly through the use of lexical units and graphic images of the source language.

Key words: tourist text, foreign element, exotic lexis, borrowing, linguistic realia, Gaelic, English, minority language, multicode text.

For citation: Abramova E.I. Foreign elements and exotic lexis in the tourist website texts: forms and functions / E.I. Abramova // Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2020. - № 2 (29). – P. 117 - 125.

Introduction.

Modern world is often defined as a global village, which is a metaphor providing clue to how internet communication unites people thus making the world smaller. So electronic communication prevails in modern world, physical distances dividing languages and cultures become insignificant, cultural and linguistic phenomena overlap and interpenetrate.

Modern forms of language symbiosis and coexistence are a new phenomenon under research, characterizing and typical of communication, which is modified largely by the Internet. Division into oral and written communication is relevant if the classification relies on the channel of transmitting information and type of speech activity. But from the perspective of the style and speed of information exchange (immediate or delayed) the borderlines between oral and written communication have been shifted or even nullified. For example, some Internet communicative genres appear to be hybrids of written and oral speech. [1, p. 421]. Another interesting aspect is creolized/ multicode texts, which every internet user can create, thus reducing time for encoding information with the help of audioand video tools.

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© Abramova E.I., 2020

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Multicode text is a cover term for texts which also contain elements from different languages: letters, morphemes, words, sentences. If the language speaker is bilingual, the code switching can be subconscious or automatic. The phenomenon is researched into from the perspectives of bilingualism, diglossia or psycholinguistics. Deliberate use of foreign elements in the text is aimed at performing certain functions conditioned by a number of factors.

The article discusses texts from tourist websites, in which authors deliberately introduce foreign elements as a means of advertising. This advertising focus is less explicit than in short monophrastic texts, commercials or advertising poster texts. Being a promotional item, the tourist website text affects the knowledge, attitude and intentions of the recipient in the right direction [2, p. 281]. The role of the tourist website cannot be exaggerated in modern world, where tourism is becoming one of the main industries of the world economics, involving millions of people as senders and recipients into communication who interact in different genres of tourist discourse, which is of interest to linguists, sociologists, business people etc. The topicality of the research relies on the interdisciplinary interest in multicode tourist website texts. The article aims at considering ways of introducing foreign elements and exotic lexemes into multicode tourist website texts for promoting local territories with autochtonous languages and cultures.

Methodology of the research.

The object of the study is multicode texts from Scottish tourist websites. The subject of the study is foreign elements and exotic lexemes as language elements, as well as iconic and other non-verbal elements accompanying the verbal elements and enhancing the impact effect, their functions and ways of introduction and interaction in the text. Thus, the article attempts to analyze modern tendencies of using foreign elements and exotic lexemes in multicode texts from British tourist websites.

The material for the study was texts from official Scottish tourist websites. Considering that the main functions of the website are informing and advertising, we specify the website as a complex tool of product promotion and as one of the forms of marketing communication [3, p. 279]. The specific feature of the website as a method of tourist product promotion is actualized through a system of textual verbal and non-verbal means of expression and their systematic organization [3, p. 281].

Researching into this interdisciplinary issue, we relied on a wide range of works, including studies of multicode texts, sociolinguistic works, works in the sphere of marketing and tourist landscape, as well as studies about the role and functions of the language in tourist landscape. We mean to consider language communication within the framework of the tourist website, the genre variety of tourist website texts, and the integration of elements from different languages inside a text.

Cases of foreign elements and exotic lexemes were collected through the method of continuous sampling from tourist website texts. The cases were analyzed by means of different methods: method of sociolinguistic interpretation (correlation between linguistic and social phenomena, social-communicative function and the reflection of the current ideology), linguocultural method (identification of cultural semantics of language signs), and pragmatic analysis method (reasons for the author’s choice of means transmitting the semantics of the sign).

The algorithm of the research relies on the aim to analyze the use of foreign elements in tourist website multicode texts. The results will provide criteria of assessment how minority languages and cultures are involved in global tourist and business processes. The choice of languages (English – Gaelic) is conditioned by their status and functions in the sphere of tourism in Scotland, as well as the century-long history of their contacts and interaction. Another linguistic objective is identification of ways and scales by which foreign elements and exotic lexemes are introduced in tourist texts written in English, which functions as a global language but

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promotes local values. The process of word assimilation in another language is of great interest as well.

Results of the research.

Language communication in tourist space is a new and complex phenomenon, which has been recently researched into from different scientific perspectives. Graham Dann analyses tourism as a phenomenon from sociolinguistic perspective in the study “The Language of Tourism” and suggests the algorithm of its semiotic description. The author analyses the contents of the “promotional” [4, p. 154] tourist texts, which make the reader go on a journey and then describe their emotions afterwards thus recruiting a new group of tourists [5, p. 6].

Russian linguists analyze the language of tourism from the following perspectives: foreign elements in professional tourist communication (Yu.Yu. Averyanova), functions and features of the language of tourism manifesting themselves in the tourist brochure genre (E. M. Isakova). N.V. Filatova analyzes tourism discourse from pragmatic and linguistic perspectives, describes its specific character and highlights tactics and strategies of tourist discourse.

The website functions as a mass media outlet for the tourist text placement. According to the tourist text classification, the website performs the institutional (website) or commercial function (websites of tourist companies) due to its communicative aim in socio-professional context. Pages of the website reveal different micro genres and vary according to their communicative aim, methods and channels of impact, as well as the author’s individual style. The pragmatic function, degree of formality and language peculiarities are the criteria for distinguishing multiple genres of tourist website texts: a user’s guide, a descriptive guide a travel itinerary, a program, an advertisement, a travel account, a ticket booking order, a contract, a forum, a blog etc. The subgenres of the tourist website texts relate to art, history, crafts, gastronomy, nature, sport, events etc. [6, p. 15]. Consequently, the tourist website is a multifaceted phenomenon by its character, which places texts of different styles and genres, created by the authors of the website and readers or recipients by means of different technical capacities (video, audio, photography), i.e. the texts are both interactive and multicode.

Division of tourist texts into three groups according to the stage of travel makes it possible to reveal their pragmatic orientation, language styling and multicode contents of the texts. The website primarily performs the informative and descriptive functions because travelling is preceded by studying the information in the tourist website. Texts written for forums and blogs are narratives by their genre and they refer to the period during or after travelling. These factors influence the grammar of the text as well, for example the choice of the tense.

In order to convey information about a tourist place and its specific features the authors of the website use different means of verbal language and other codes, predominantly visual code. What role do minority language elements play in the context of a local tourist place where the minority language is autochtonous?

In the article «Travelling words: Languaging in English tourism discourse» Gloria Cappelli uses the term “languaging” to discuss the use of local languages in touristic materials. Particularly, Capelli describes functioning of Italian words in English texts belonging to three tour- ism-related genres (user’s guides, blogs, articles) and suggests the algorithm of analyzing foreign elements without differentiating them. The author distinguishes four functions of foreign elements 1) to add some local linguistic flavour to the discourse, 2) to give authenticity to the destinations and the landscape, 3) to reduce the cultural gap between two cultures by providing translations or periphrasis, 4) to act as an in-grouping or as an out-grouping device [7, p. 363]. S. Gandin reveals cases of social relationships in tourism discourse through the use of foreign elements and classifies them according to the destination or localizes them. Additionally, the researcher considers the implementation of foreign elements in tourist discourse to be its inseparable feature [8, p. 15].

A group of authors from Finland and Ireland (H. Kelly-Holmes, S. Pietikӓinen, M. Moriarty) research into representation of minority languages in tourist websites promoting tourism

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in linguistic minority spaces and into linguistic and visual resources of minority languages on tourist websites for Dingle, Ireland and Inari, Finland [9, p. 31].

In the research “The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class” Dean MacCannell focuses on the main motivation for the tourist, which is the search for the authenticity of the destination [10, p. 14], the driving force which makes the tourist travel long distances away from home. As authenticity disappears in the age of globalization and becomes a rare phenomenon, MacCannel calls it staged authenticity, that is not real, not true, not authentic [10, p. 92]. The stage authenticity is created in different ways, one of which is the language of tourism discourse. Within the framework of our research it refers to language means which enhance or highlight the authenticity of the tourist destination: primarily elements of minority languages, techniques and means of multicode tourist website texts (photography, music, video).

The language means used as tools of promoting tourism include first and foremost linguistic realia from a different language or a dialect. Referring to their role and functions in the tourist website text we need to pinpoint that the language of tourism is Global English, which cannot be authentic in the tourism context. Consequently, the linguistic realia within the framework of the English language tourist website constitute the following groups:

1)anglicized Celtic realia (the website language=the language of the realia): pibroch is used in the English language text as the anglicized counterpart of the Gaelic lexeme piobaireachd;

2)authentic Celtic realia (the website language≠the language of the realia but the alphabet is the same): piobaireachd is used as a Gaelic foreign element in the English language text;

3)dialectal words as elements of the local idiom designating realia from English counties or countries (the website language=the language of the realia): provost.

The article predominantly discusses the realia of the first (exotic lexemes) and second

(foreign elements) groups. We define exotic words as words which perform semantic and stylistic functions of creating the effect of foreign culture identity [11, p. 465]. The important point relevant to the functions of exotic lexemes is that they are borrowed from minor or minority languages and tend to be used to add some specific linguistic flavouring to the tourist website text, for example. Another term for this linguistic phenomenon is barbarism. The difference between barbarisms/ exotic lexemes and foreign elements lies in a more regular use of barbarisms/ exotic lexemes [12, p. 34] and in the use of the graphics of the source language with foreign elements.

The elements of everyday life of Gaelic people are reflected in the English language context and speech in the form of foreign elements, which preserve their ethnic character, are not assimilated in the English language and present a challenge for the interpreter or translator. The foreign element is defined as a word in its original phonetic form delivered by graphic means of the source language. In the situation of intercultural communication foreign elements can create an effect of alienation and serve as an instrument of attracting attention especially in advertising. There is a strong recent tendency to present the names of foreign companies in the Russian texts in the form of foreign elements [11, p. 57].

The foreign element is different from the borrowing or code switching, because the foreign element preserves its foreign phonetic and graphic character and is used in its fixed form without changing according to the morphological or syntactic model of the recipient language [13, p. 23]. The borrowing changes its form according to the rules of the recipient language. While code switching the speaker uses language element in relevance to the language.

It might be of interest to highlight that foreign elements are not only words but also parts of words (morphemes, phonemes, graphemes) when only a part of the original word is replaced with a foreign element (one or several letters in writing) [14, p. 500]. Another important feature of a foreign element used in a context is to make the reader acquainted with elements of a different language [15, p. 9], which is a tactical issue, while the strategic issue is attracting tourists. The educational aim, in my opinion, is realized through the use of the most common Gael-

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ic phrases with the concept of Celticness followed by their translation, definition, explanation or contextualization.

We will outline the specific features of Gaelic foreign elements in the English language text, which are conditioned by a long period of linguistic and cultural contacts, common economic, social, and political history:

-Latin graphics for both languages, which makes the foreign element less evident unlike, for example, Latin foreign elements in Cyrillic texts,

-the use of letter combinations and word combinations in Gaelic, which are not characteristic of English,

-the use of diacritic elements in Gaelic,

-the use of the anglicized equivalent in English, which is different from the Gaelic word in structure, graphics, and form.

How are foreign elements and borrowings incorporated into English language verbal text and how do they correlate with non-verbal components of the multimode tourist text? How are they semanticized?

The first group are lexemes of the minority language assimilated in the majority recipient language. These lexemes do not need to be translated because they belong to the English word stock. In the English text they denote realia from the source language and are perceived as elements of a different culture, thus in the English language these lexemes:

1) have equivalents which are correlated with Standard English and express a more general notion compared with the borrowing from a minority language, thus these counterpart lexemes form hypernymic-hyponymic relationships (lake – loch, valley – glen):

Find awe-inspiring lochs within easy reach of Edinburgh and Glasgow, for the perfect scenic day trip into Scotland's famous landscapes. Glen Lednock is a glen in Perthshire, located to the north west of Crieff [2*].

2) do not have equivalents because they were borrowed with the cultural phenomenon (whisky):

Regarded by many as 'whisky island', Islay (pronounced eye-luh) lies in the Inner Hebrides off the west coast of Scotland [2*].

Look out for the solo piping competitions, where competitors play in a range of styles, including the Pibroch, which is considered the classical music of the bagpipe. Pibrochs tend to be slow, stately and complex [2*].

The statistics analysis of the realia lexemes used in the website Visitscotland, the main tourist site in Scotland, results in the following conclusion. For example, the word loch is used 5175 times (04.04.2020), the word lake is used 278 times. Beside proper names, which include the word loch as a component, the lexeme is used as a common name to designate a lake as a natural water reservoir typical of Scotland’s landscape. The word reaches the maximum use in the website page Accommodation, because accommodation plays a major role in the assessment of tourist:

The Steading is a luxurious loch-front cottage that sleeps four. Beautifully appointed and charmingly finished with character details, this holiday home is as beautiful inside as the loch views are just beyond the door [2*].

The verbal part of the multicode text is accompanied by the image of a hotel or a chalet against the lake background, by the map of the territory where the lake is blue according to the

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legend, frequently by the photo of the signpost or guide sign identifying the place of accommodation in traditional Gaelic graphics.

Additionally, the lexeme loch is often used in the section See&Do and Tours, because the main aim of the tourist and the tour company is to visit or to organize a trip to the tourist destination. The lake in Scotland differs from the lake in England by its name and origin. The loch unlike the lake is narrow and appears to be a long narrow bay or arm of the sea:

Begin your tour in the museum to learn more and see period artefacts before following your costumed guide into the reconstructed crannog, a prehistoric loch-dwelling standing on stilts over the waters of Loch Tay [2*].

Another pair of Gaelic-English equivalents is constituted by glen (1913) and valley (1135):

Local mountain leaders and our countryside rangers will guide you on the day, telling of their vast knowledge of the glens, including its flora, fauna and history [1*].

Similar to the lexeme loch, glen denotes a natural landscape form and functions as part of place names. Consequently, in the tourist text glen localizes the place of accommodation (Accommodation) and the tourist destination (See&Do, Tours):

Get to know the land of lochs, glens, and legends on this guided tour of Scotland. 1 of 2 traditional stone barns set in this beautiful angus glen with private hot tub [2*].

The lexeme whisky borrowed in 1715 is included in dictionaries and defined as a strong alcoholic drink produced in Scotland, made from barley [1**, p. 1701]. Although the dictionary entry for whisky does not have a label identifying the locality of the word (but not the product), and the word belongs to the 2.500 word stock of the most common English words, the denotation is Scotland-related, so it promotes the locality of the tourist text (2072 word usages):

Whisky, Scotland's national drink, has been lovingly crafted throughout the country for centuries [2*].

What is important in the sentence is the locality of the tourist destination not the locality of whisky, which does not present any new information. Moreover, the lexeme whisky unlike loch and glen, is more often specified by adjectives, because the Scottish locality is less linguistically explicit. As a result, the attention of the potential tourist is attracted by epithets rather than by the lexeme whisky: lovingly crafted, unique, golden, fine, award-winning.

The second group of lexemes are elements of Gaelic used in English texts as foreign elements. Both languages use the Latin alphabet. “Foreignness” is highlighted through the use of diacritic signs and letter combinations not typical of English. This foreignness is a sign of Celtic authenticity and otherness for the English speaker. Nevertheless, the website semanticizes foreign elements for readers related to English or any other linguoculture. We will discuss different techniques of using Celtic elements in English texts.

1)Subsequent use of English and Gaelic equivalents (E, G): Annual service in commemoration of the Battle of Culloden, hosted by the Gaelic Society of Inverness, Comunn Gàidhlig Inbhir Nis [1*].

2)The English phrase is followed by its Celtic functional equivalent and translated (E, G, translation): Welcome 'Ceud Mile Failte' This is the Gaelic for one hundred thousand

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welcomes, which describes the warmth of the welcome that any visitor the Highlands of Scotland can expect [2*].

3)The Gaelic realia are provided with explanation because there are no equivalents in English (G, definition), and the Gaelic realia match a lacuna in English: Some dishes on offer include 'Cullen Skink' (smoked fish soup), Chicken Balmoral (stuffed with haggis) and 'Raspberry Cranachan' a traditional Scottish dessert of sweetened cream, oats and whiskey [2*].

4)The anglicized variant of the realia is translated from Gaelic into English (E, translation):

The River Ericht in Perthshire runs close to the centre of Blairgowrie and takes its name from the Scots Gaelic word for `beauteous `[2*].

5)The Gaelic word is explained functionally and translated literally (G, definition, translation): Ceud Mile Failte! The traditional Gaelic greeting sums up our philosophy towards our visitors - one hundred thousand welcomes! [2*]

6)The Gaelic place name is literally translated into English (G, E translation): Nestled on the shore of Loch na Cairidh in the hamlet of Ard Dorch on the Isle of Skye, Oir na Mara - Gaelic for 'Edge of the Sea' - offers unrivalled views of rural Scotland across the water

[2*].

7)The meaning of the Gaelic word becomes explicit in the context (G, context): Join us in 2020 in the beautiful East Neuk of Fife for Fèis Chala An t-sruthair as we celebrate the Year of Coasts and Waters 2020! [2*].

Thereby, it is evident that the meaning of the foreign element in the website text is semanticized through translation, explanation, definition and context or a combination of these techniques. The choice of the technique semanticizing the meaning of the original word largely depends on a few factors: structural, semantic and pragmatic characteristics of the Gaelic lexeme, specific features of the cultural phenomenon the lexeme denotes, the attempt to avoid uniformity in transmitting the meaning, and whether the Gaelic lexeme is familiar in the English linguoculture. Statistically, the most frequent technique is translation of the Gaelic lexeme into English because this method reveals the original meaning in the source language and enables the reader to understand the principle underpinning the Gaelic metaphor: Comraich (Gaelic for sanctuary and protection) is set in a wonderful garden, recently landscaped with a paved patio at the front [2*].

If the Gaelic lexemes are semanticized in different ways in the English language, what is their function in the English text? It is the otherness or the authenticity of the Gaelic lexeme, both phonetic and graphic, which, undoubtedly, is one of the touristic brands of the destination. A. Wilson believes that the language is the localized product in the global tourism industry [16, p. 139]. As long as tourism is a business of services, language is one of the services the business offers. Thus, Scotland’s main tourist website advertises the Gaelic language as one of 87 services provided by tourist companies. The other services improving travelling around Scotland and involving additional payment are WiFi, private parking, a fridge, a view of the garden from the window, a lift, bike rental etc. The service indicated with the capital letter G in the box means that you will be served and accompanied by Gaelic speakers.

The statistics analysis provides information about domineering semantic groups of Gaelic lexemes used as foreign elements in tourist website texts to localize the tourist product. These groups are as follows:

1)Gaelic place names against their English equivalents: Did you know that Glasgow, or

‘Glaschu’ in Gaelic, translates as ‘dear green place’? Scarista (Sgarasta in Gaelic) lies on the south western coast of South Harris. Daliburgh (or Dalabrog in Gaelic) lies a few miles north east of Lochboisdale. The organisation focuses on performance and educa-

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