Учебное пособие 1519

tary police or internal security forces: the image of a bear in the air is an association with a bulky and awkward object; bubble head (lit.: bubble head) - any employee or service of a submarine: the metaphor bubble - in the image of the air duct system of a submarine, the head - as a figurative ‘man’, for example, to count on the head; bullet sponge (lit.: sponge for bullets) - infantryman: the image is associated with another phraseological unit - cannon fodder; drop short (lit.: throw short) - and gun bunny (lit.: cannon rabbit) - in both cases, 'gunner': the image shows a demeanor (the rabbit jumps - the soldier clear the cannon, walked away, fired, went to load again - movement in space; shoot short - guns, howitzers, mortars do not hit short distances), etc.

2nd type of social confrontation:

FIGURES OF SPEECH SHOWING THE CHARTER RELATIONS IN THE TROOPS

This group of fixed expressions is made up of rethought slang names of an official within the framework of a particular branch of the armed forces. The name takes into account the service record of a soldier: the degree of education received during study, the rank achieved, length of service, combat experience, awards, or respect in the team.

Speaking about the second type of confrontation, a hierarchy of labor relations immediately arises, the chain "boss - subordinate", "senior in rank - junior in rank." In fact, this type of confrontation is focused precisely on this type of relationship, which is formed based on the results of assigning an employee to one of the lists of the staffing table.

In this way, in the American military slang there is an expression dog face (lit.y: a dog's face) [6 *, p. 702], referring to a young man recently called up for military service, - a recruit. In all likelihood, the substantive component face (face, muzzle) is the reference for the creation of the image. The face, first of all, is what is visible to someone, the denotative semantics of 'obviousness' (in this regard, Russian phraseological units are written on the face, show the product with a face [9 *, p. 286, 287]; English phraseological units: on the face of it, stare smb in the face [10 *, p. 258, 259])

Facial expression is an important indicator in broadcasting the internal state of its owner. Mimic movements reflect the psycho-emotional sphere of a person [11 *, p. 183]. The psychomotor skills of a recruit (like any other person who arrived in an unfamiliar place) differs significantly from people who have some experience of being in a given space, namely: sluggishness in actions, irregularity in movements, their own lack of coordination in the general course of actions, etc., therefore, when forming an image, the focus is on a visible indicator - a face.

As for the dog component, in the same dictionary [6 *, p. 699] we find "a freshman, or first-year college student", where the image of a beginner is associated with the American sociolexeme dog. It seems that a newcomer to the American armed forces is associated with a dog precisely in the hypertrophied sense of responsibility, diligence (dog loyalty) initially manifested by the youthful sense of responsibility (dog loyalty) upon joining the armed ranks - i.e., a change in the habitual way of life, a conscious choice of the path of growing up, removal from parental control, and, consequently, the release of personal space. Hence the desire to resignedly accept other (different from home) living conditions.

The generalizing symbolism of the dog is devotion, obedience, and service [4 *, p. 476], [5 *, p. 344 - 345]. General cognitive schema for building a dog face image: behavior + status.

Another image associated with recruits is the yard bird (lit.: a yard bird) [6 *, p. 2455]. The same secondary personality status is emphasized by the bird jargon component with the meaning ‘an ordinary fellow’ [ibid., p. 182]. In this regard, the image of a stable structure speaks of the primitiveness and originality of the phenomenon. And the considered image of a courtyard bird is also associated with primitiveness, inceptiveness in the total volume of what exists, and, undoubtedly, the ordinariness (inexpressiveness) of the owner of such a status is emphasized. General cognitive scheme of building the yard bird image: behavior + status.

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The mocking image of the sergeant top kicker(lit.: the main one who kicks by his leg) [12 *] can be found in the American military rank system. The translation of the image into Russian can be varied: kicker is both a kicker, and a critic, and a football player practicing chasing (kicking a ball), a derivative of the verb to kick (for example, English A boy is kicking a ball). Diversity in translation into Russian is explained by some researchers by a number of terminological and stylistic harmonies (about this, for example [17]).

According to job descriptions, a sergeant is obliged to teach (an ironic metaphor to kick) recruits in the basic wisdom of military affairs: from maintaining appearance to automating elementary combat skills. The image of top kicker, in many ways, speaks for itself: to kick - to kick, push (in a positive sense), edify, and encourage action.

In the hierarchical sense, the sergeant's image is paramount in relation to, say, the image of the previous secondary yard bird or dog face. The general cognitive schema for building an image of top kicker is behavior + status.

So, climbing up the hierarchical ladder from dog face to top kicker, it is easy to notice the stereotyped idea of the existing subordination between the indicated military status, the primary or secondary importance of which is, of course, conditional. The created social attitude "boss - subordinate" and, as a result, the behavior pattern formed within society, belongs to the category of prejudices. Unfriendliness and even hostility arises, which makes its negative contribution to charter relations, and which should not exist in principle, since the main idea is laid not in charter relations, but in the implementation of the main positive goal of military affairs - a demonstration of strength, courage, resilience, and defense capability. However, status is present, but, in the overwhelming majority of cases, only for the purpose of redistributing the scope of activity of subordinates and subdominant for the uniform and well-coordinated work of the entire mechanism.

Other examples of this group [6 *]: butter bar(lit. butter bar) - lieutenant; first John (lit.: first John) - lieutenant; dog robber (lit.: robber of dogs) - assistant sergeant; grease pot (lit.: a pot of fat) - a military cook (in Russian military jargon - a cook (kashevar)): the association of a profession with an instrument of activity (synekdoche) is a pot; bucket head (lit.: bucket head) - this is how the US military speaks of a German soldier; flange head (lit.: flange head) - this is how the US military speaks of a Japanese soldier; 90-day wonder (lit.: ninety-day miracle) - new officer: a metaphor about a fixed period of stay of a recruit in a given status; soldier minus ability (lit.: soldier minus ability) - a recruit or conscript - about a person who does not yet possess a certain set of military skills, etc.

The topic of social confrontation in this type of phraseological units of military topics can be considered in the field of a social niche occupied or assigned to a representative of the community. But the confrontation, like the first type, is rather arbitrary, namely: there is no physical opposition between persons with different degrees of education, a different set of awards (rewards and privileges), the degree of professional experience, the level of respect achieved and a series of achievements, but, what is important, it is noted unspoken dominate and subdominant in behavior (depending on status), which demonstrates some form of social differentiation between representatives of the group.

In this group, there is a cyclicality (two-sidedness) in the distribution of the figurative nominative corpus: a representative of a low status speaks ironically about a representative of a high status, and vice versa - a representative of a high status speaks ironically about a representative of a low status. A cognitive model for building an image of phraseological units of this type: behavior + status (the way a person acts, which directly depends on the current social stratification).

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3rd type of social confrontation:

FIGURES OF SPEECH SHOWING THE FEMININE SIDE OF THE TROOPS

Sociolinguistics defines gender relations in society as a type of self-presentation, that is formed on the basis of a set of actions fixed in society, as well as a characteristic list of behavioral norms that directly depend on the biological sex of a representative of society [18, p. 156 - 157], [13 *, p. 15].

So, this group of expressions is made up of structures, the figurative base of which includes a metaphorical image of women who protect their fatherland on an equal basis with men. Recently, there has been a significant increase in the number of women serving in the military who perform combat missions identical to those of men. However, it is traditionally believed that the profession of a soldier is the exclusive privilege of men, therefore, the appearance of female military personnel in the male environment inevitably leads to the appearance of various kinds of ridicule, enshrined in the figurative units of the language.

In the third type, there is an obvious defense of their rights by the fair sex, and the army is no exception. A woman working in military units and subunits is considered commonplace, although completely unusual due to the rigidity of the army structure and a high degree of physical activity.

Thus, the emergence of ironic statements in American slang is associated, first of all, with the ambiguous (at times - pejorative) reaction of men to close professional cooperation with a woman in an area where a woman is a priori inferior to a man in many respects. For example, the expressionsea donkey (lit.: sea donkey) [12 *] - speaks of a woman who serves in the American naval units.

The image of a donkey is well known: in the overwhelming majority of languages, this animal is synonymous with 'a stupid person'. In addition, the donkey is an object of ridicule, inferiority, laziness, and stubbornness [5 * p. 260]. As for the laziness of the sea donkey image, doubts may arise, since a woman who decides to connect her professional path with the naval forces is hardly lazy. But from a metaphorical point of view, donkey stubbornness is a fairly weighty argument in this regard – a sign to prove to yourself and others that it is possible to realize your own plans.

The connotation of the inferiority of the sea donkey can manifest itself in a subjective feeling of one's own inferiority in the historically established gender environment, which becomes the cause of ridicule in the team in relation to the sea donkey. The general cognitive scheme of building the image of the sea donkey: behavior + embodiment of a behavioral prototype.

In the image of phraseological units that reflect the feminine side of the American army, one can find precedent names: Sea Hag [14 *] - sea witch, tall manlike woman, female pirate, fictional character of American comics who floats on the seas on his own ship; Jane Wayne Day [19] - housewife in the Army: a special day of the year when the wives of the US military are invited to the military units so that the woman herself goes through the series of physical and tactical exercises that her husband goes through daily.

A woman in the army is not just a professional phenomenon, but also a controversial reaction of society, manifested in the creation of cultural images (Sea Hag) or significant events (Jane Wayne Day) in the daily life of the people.

The theme of social confrontation in this type of phraseological unit is seen in the fact that there is a need to overcome gender. On the one hand, tacit (acceptance without objection - the specific response of a woman is not found in the jargon) confrontation comes from the woman herself, who, opposing the gender standardization of crafts, tries to strengthen her status and, willy-nilly, turns out to be a participant in feminist sentiments in society. On the other hand, verbal (the creation of linguocultural images) confrontation also comes from men who,

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wanting to strengthen their positions, try invisibly through the nominative means of language to show the absurdity of a woman when choosing a male occupation.

In this group, the nominative inventory is still one-sided, originates in the male imaginative perception of the surrounding reality, the advantage is built on the basis of the male prevailing perception of a woman's presence in the army, therefore, the general cognitive scheme for constructing an image of phraseological units of this type: behavior + embodiment (artistic image of a woman appearing against the background of a military entourage).

Conclusion.

Thus, we can conclude the following:

1.Phraseologisms of military themes (for example, American English) are a group of stable expressions organized on the basis of military jargon, presented in whole or in part in the component structure of a stable nomination.

2.The theme of social confrontation of phraseological units of military themes is embodied in terms of expressing fixed expressions, as a rule, in the form of caricatured images of pejorative connotation. We found about three dozen expressions, affecting the topic of social confrontation, have the following thematic variety: 1) figures of speech, showing the pairing of different types of troops, 2) figures of speech, showing the statutory relations in the troops, 3) figures of speech, showing the feminine side of the troops.

3.Stable structures, showing the conjugation of different types of troops, contain in the image a metaphorical reference to the type of military affairs, in which the actions of an attacking, defensive and training nature in the air, on water and on land are manifested. The evoked representations with the place of activation of professional skills (water - purity, earth - darkness, air - freedom), in turn, give rise to the theme of social two-sided confrontation associated with the aesthetics of appearance, depending on the type of occupation and, as a result, the associated social behavior. The leading cognitive model for building an image of a phraseological unit of a given group: behavior + localization.

4.Stable structures showing statutory relationships in the troops contain in the image metaphorical information from the service record of the military (from the level of education received to the length of service and awards), in which the hierarchy of labor relations according to the staffing table is manifested (chief - subordinate), which forms a certain demeanor of the individual in the given conditions (leader - executor) and, as a result, reveals the topic of social two-sided confrontation (the leader gives an assessment to the executor, and the executor

-to the leader). The leading cognitive model for building the image of the phraseological unit of this group: behavior + status.

5.Fixed expressions, showing the feminine side of the troops, contain metaphorical information about the incongruity of the presence of a woman as a combat unit in the ranks of the armed forces. In this type of phraseological unit image, an allusion is found: a woman, being the only key figure against the background of an absolutely male environment, enters into a one-sided (trying to express her opinion with restraint, risking an even more awkward situation) social confrontation with an inappropriate idea of how the woman is engaged in a man's profession. The leading cognitive model for constructing the image of the phraseological unit of this group: behavior + embodiment.

The study seems promising from the point of view of studying the typology of social confrontation presented in the phraseology of military topics based on the material of other languages and cultures.

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DOI 10.36622/MLMDR.2021.81.85.007

UDC 81’282.2

WOMEN'S UNOFFICIAL NAMES IN VYSOKY VILLAGE AND THEIR REFLECTION IN THE DIALECT PICTURE OF THE WORLD

L.V. Nedostupova

Voronezh State Technical University

The chair of the Russian language and Intercultural communication PhD, associate professor

Lubov Viniaminovna Nedostupova e-mail: nedostupowa2009@yandex.ru

Statement of the problem. The study examines the anthroponyms that represent women in appearance, inferiority, speech and voice, character traits, temperament, culinary preferences, occupation, position, attitude to work, and their reflection in the dialectal picture of the world of the inhabitants of the small village of Vysoky Talovsky district of the Voronezh region In the process of work, the peculiar features and characteristics of the image of the fairer sex were determined, which are approved and disapproved in the village society. The appeal to the living folk speech, functioning in the mouths of the indigenous villagers, with the aim of studying with the subsequent preservation of linguistic materials, is relevant, since it contains modern information about a whole generation of people and their relationships in the team.

Results. During the survey, 43 unofficial names were described, represented by 7 thematic groups. The most productive group has been identified - anthroponyms, data on a person's appearance, and the smallest - street naming for inferiority. It was revealed that 5 people have 2 nicknames, 1 woman is considered the owner of 4 nicknames, which she received for features of appearance and behavior. The names-metaphors, marking their carriers, have been established. They are represented by a multitude of emerging associations: with a dragonfly, a planet of the solar system, an installation for processing meat or fish, an ironing object, a river, a weapon, a bird, a poisonous plant, a supervisory institution, a rock band, etc. Functioning anthroponyms are expressed by nouns and adjectives, formed in two ways: suffix and base addition. With the help of the considered lexical units, an ideal female image with its inherent features is presented. The qualities of its antipode are demonstrated.

Conclusion. The carried out research has determined the use in the folk language of the peculiar street names of women, which are part of the dialectal picture of the world of Vysochan. It is subject to certain conventional norms and rules, known only to local residents, developed by themselves for convenience in interpersonal communication. The reflection of the picture of the world through nicknames testifies to the rich vocabulary, imagination and fantasy of dialect carriers. It also reveals the state of the local dialect in our time - living, actively developing, original. The world of each and every one individually, naturalness and simplicity - such is the content of the picture of the world of a village man. The presented research supplements the few available works of Voronezh linguistsdialectologists and onomasts and contributes to the study of local anthroponymy.

Key words: dialectal picture of the world, anthroponyms, unofficial names, nicknames, street names for women.

For citation: Nedostupova L.V. Women's unofficial names in Vysoky village and their reflection in the dialect picture of the world / L.V. Nedostupova // Scientific Journal “Modern Linguistic and Methodical-and-didactic Researches”. – 2021. - № 3 (34). – P. 70-81.

Introduction.

The study of folk speech, which is actively functioning in a rural society, is always interesting for a researcher. On the one hand, the interest in the originality of rural dialects is explained by the opportunity to touch a living word and plunge into the modern linguistic situation of a certain territory in order to understand the processes taking place in it. On the other hand, it gives the chance to get acquainted with the peculiarities of the life of people living far from the metropolis.

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© Nedostupova L.V., 2021

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However, every year more and more settlements disappear from the map of Russia for various reasons. And as a result, the irreversibility of the ongoing processes is felt – there remain fewer and fewer informants - representatives of the older age, keepers of the most valuable information about the life of the Russian countryside.

Rural street names by now, both nickname and calendar, have not been studied deep enough, but there is such a need as they are a part of the dialect system of the region.

The relevance of our appeal to this topic is explained by the interest in studying the folk speech of our region and the linguistic units functioning in it, owing to which the people of the village make up collective. This research follows the author's series of articles, carried out within the framework of the anthropocentric paradigm for the study of the vocabulary of the thematic group "Man".

A significant number of works are devoted to the classification of nicknames of a certain (usually narrow) territory (by I.K. Lindeman, I. Yu. Chaikin, V.I. Tagunov, I. Yu. Kartashev, etc.). Unlike names, nicknames often directly and directly characterize a person, while it is also distinctive that the nickname is not read out directly, unlike names, patronymics and surnames are related to the official sphere of use and are not associated with figurative and emotional experiences” [1].

Unfortunately, studies of the XXI century on anthroponymics in the Voronezh region are represented by a few works by S.A. Popov 2000 and 2001 [2; 3], S.A. Fedorova 2000 [4], E.I. Syanova 2003 and 2006 [5; 6] L.N. Riding 2007 and 2016 [7; 8], L.V. Nedostupova 2014, 2018 and 2021 [9; 10; 11], etc. This testifies to the advisability to more intensive research on this direction.

Our attention was attracted by a village located two hundred kilometers from the Voronezh city, in the southeastern part of the region, with the population of over 1000 people. From a source published in the district printing house, we learn that “Vysoky village is relatively young. It was founded in 1922 six kilometers south of Talovaya, near the road leading to Buturlinovka. It got its name from the hill, the slopes of which run down to the north to the valley of the now almost disappeared Talovaya River, to the east to the Talovskaya gully, to the south and west to the Verkhneozersk and Voznesensk ponds. The formation of the village is associated with the last stage of the settlement of the Voronezh region at the beginning of the XX century” [12, p. 1-2].

For more than a dozen of years people passed through the Vysokov open spaces ... But it was risky to settle here ... Everything was changed by the activities of the great Russian soil scientist V.V. Dokuchaev. In 1982, he began his expedition to the Stone steppe ... He and his successors made a land revolution here ...

A confluence of a number of circumstances: Dokuchaev's expedition, the emergence of Talovaya station, Ogarkov's activities, proximity to the Buturlinovka - Bobrov tract - objectively should have led to the development of the territory on which the village is located today” [12, p. 3-4].

For almost 100 years of its existence Vysoky has an established infrastructure: there is a comprehensive school and a kindergarten, shops, a medical center, a post office, a House of Culture, and the largest stadium in the area. People work in the “Dokuchaevskoye” experimental production farm, as well as in private farms and institutions near the regional center. The rural settlement is supplied with gas.

The purpose of this study is to describe anthroponymic units that informally name women in appearance, inferiority, speech and voice, character traits, temperament, culinary preferences, occupation, position, attitude to work, reflected in the dialectal picture of the world, the representation of their meaning and emotionally -expressive assessment, identifying metaphor names, determining their part of speech and methods of formation in the dialect of the village of Vysoky Talovsky district of the Voronezh region.

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The aim of this research is to classify women's unofficial names according to the above mentioned criteria, due to the fact that over the years of collecting anthroponymic material in this settlement, hundreds of street names have been accumulated. These names were analyzed in line with the lexical-semantic approach to the language, as a result of which the criteria were identified that are the most relevant for the analyzed anthroponyms. The relevance of the identified criteria is confirmed by the quantitative content of each group of nominees, which also testifies to a certain lexico-nominative regularity characteristic for the studied dialect.

The nominees and their classification were analyzed in a number of articles (published since 2014) [9; 10; 11].

Research methodology.

The object of the work is the South Russian dialect.

The subject of the research is rural female non-calendar naming conventions and the dialectal picture of the world.

The material of the article was the recordings of the author's conversations with the native people of the older age group, made at different time over several years (since 2013) in informal atmosphere. The respondents are men and women engaged in various types of labor activities, including field cultivation and horticulture. The specific characteristics of people made it possible to represent the original female name list, consisting of 43 nicknames, divided into 7 thematic groups. The features of the local dialect and the linguistic creativity of the villagers are reflected in the dialectal picture of the world of its speakers.

Research Methods.

The analysis used the following methods are as follows: questioning, interviewing, observation, description, comparison and opposing.

The results of the study.

“Anthroponyms (from the Greek ἄνθρωπος – man and ὄνυμα - name) is the branch of onomastics which studies antroponyms – people`s proper names: forenames, patronyms (last names of other named by father`s name, last names, family names, nicknames and pseudonyms

(individual or group), cryptonyms (hidden names)) [1 **]. We point out that nickname is “an additional unofficial name given to a person by people around him in accordance with his characteristic feature, the circumstance accompanying his life, by any analogy, by origin and other motives ”[2 **]. It is interesting to note that “unofficial personal names and nicknames are used mainly in the field of everyday communication, which presupposes freedom in the choice of means of expression” [13, p. 301].

It is important to understand that "the dialectal linguistic picture of the world, being a part of the general linguistic picture of the world, at the same time represents a special epistemological and cultural phenomenon, the study of which is a relevant for modern researchers" [14, p. 170].

In this work special attention should be paid to the consideration of various anthroponymic units recorded in the speech of dialect carriers used to name fellow villagers.

It should be noted that the unofficial names presented in the study were identified by the methods of questioning and interviewing the local residents, the linguistic analysis was carried out by methods of observation, description, comparison and opposing.

Vysokov's female name-list is based on the identification of a person on various grounds. It is important to clarify here that for generations in a small rural society residents have had information about each other, about the people around them. The meaning of street names is understandable to all the locals, it is a kind of label that accumulates the individual traits of a person. As it was found out, a village is as a big family where the owners of nicknames evoke certain images in the minds of fellow villagers, which also contain an emotional and evaluative characteristic. It is noteworthy that the pictorial and expressive means of Vysokov's dialect, which creates imagery, is a metaphor.

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Let's turn to the definition of the term: "metaphor" (from the Greek metaphora - transfer). The use of this word in a figurative sense is based on the similarity in any respect of two objects or phenomena” [3 **]. Following many scholars (N. D. Arutyunova, N. I. Bakhmutova, M. L. Novikova, etc.), A. A. Kudryavtseva believes that “a metaphor is a complex sign characterized by semantic duality”. The study of the sign structure of the metaphor has led to the identification of its constituent components. An expression plan is usually represented by two components - a parameter word (agent, comparison term, image carrier) and an argument word (pivot word, keyword, context, microcontext). The content plan of a metaphor is represented by two structural elements - an auxiliary subject ("container", correlate, the inner form of the metaphor, metaphorical focus) and the main subject (literal frame, referent, theme)" [15, p. 55-56].

It should be noted that in the studied dialect, the expression plan is represented through the image words (largely represented) and the context of live dialectal speech (the examples are illustrate in the work). The content plan of a metaphor is realized through its internal form and its attribution to a particular thematic group. Metaphorical transfer of the meaning occurs by comparing the bearer of the nickname with another person, object, phenomenon, etc. based on the same attribute. The common features (foundations of metaphorical transfer) in the presented material include: similarity (likeness) and the perception of one phenomenon through another, concerning the aesthetics / unaestheticness of a person's physical characteristics, his/her physical health, physical signs, receptive abilities, food preferences, attitude to work and much more.

The appeal to dialectal speech and the characterization of the specifics of the unofficial female names of a small settlement made it possible to reflect the features of a living South Russian dialect.

The lexical material was classified according to the semantic principle.

Let's recreate the picture of the world of street names, describing and characterizing its components through the language of its native citizens.

The first thematic group is represented by 21 anthroponymic units. Below we represent the dialect material that illustrates these groups of unofficial names:

1. Nicknames, data on a person's appearance (structure of the human body, height, hair color, health status, hearing organs, prominent features):

Belonoska - ‘a nickname for eye-catching white clothes’: Shúrka ráni fsyadý naryázhnaya na úl'tsu vykhadíla. Típel'nay bélay platók pakróya i bélayu kóftu nadénya. Aná

выхади́ла. Ти́пельнай бе́лай плато́к пакро́я и бе́лаю ко́фту наде́ня. Ана́дю́жа чистапло́тная была́. Прадражни́ли Белоно́ска).

Venerka - ‘a nickname for beauty and stateliness’: Shúrka zámuzh tak i ni vykhadíla, choy-ta pirbirála ryabyátymi. Fso pa krasaté sabé ni maglá padabrát'. Yiyé vit' Venérkoy tut

prazváli (Шурка за́муж так и ни выхади́ла, чёй-та пирбира́ла рябя́тыми. Фсё па красате́

́

сабе́ни магла́падабра́ть. Йие́вить Вене́ркой тут празва́ли).

Kórka – 'a nickname for thinness and character': Nyúrka Kórka protivnyúshshaya babonka, skandál'naya. Yézheli cho zaládya, nu ni sob'yésh' yiyé v drugúyu stóranu. Kak kórka tvorday kharákter u ney, khudyúshshaya, v chom dushá téplittsa (Ню́рка Ко́рка против-

ню́шшая бабёнка, сканда́льная. Е́жели чё зала́дя, ну ни собье́шь йие́в другую сто́рану. Как

́

ко́рка твёрдай хара́ктер у ней, худю́шшая, в чём душа́те́плитца).

Konnopulja - 'a nickname for freckles on the face': Vérka Konopúlya fsya v kanapúshkakh, garót ni sazháya shchas na zadákh, prikhvarnúla. Ráni u ney tam i arbúzy býli

Koptilnja, Koptushka - ‘a nickname for its fullness and untidy appearance’: Vérka u nas na slabadé takáya lyanívaya. At"yélasya. Ídya, fsyadý na ney plátiya f petnakh, umusól'naya, kak rýba chornaya apaslya kapchén'ya. Pradrazhníli yiyé Kaptíl'nya da Kaptúshka (Ве́рка у

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